어린이날 어버이날 행사가 겹친 5월 첫 주 온 국민은 평화롭게 가족행사를 치뤘지만 지자체선거를 3주 앞둔 정치권은 막후에서 굉장한 소동을 벌였다. 당초 6월3일(부재자 투표는 5월29일) 지자체선거는 경북지사 정도 빼고는 '민주당 완승'으로 결판날 것이라는 예측이 주를 이뤘다. 그런 자신감에다 이재명 대통령의 지지율이 곧 70%를 깨고 올라갈 것 같은 순간, 민주당은 이재통령 재판 변호를 맡았던 이건태 의원 발의로 공소취하 특검법을 4월30일 슬그머니 내밀었다.
이 법을 주도한 박성준 의원의 말마따나 공소취하라는 말도 일반국민에겐 어렵고 그래서 (가붕개같은) 국민 80~90%는 뭔 소린지도 모를 거다고 방송에 나와 발언할 정도였다. 내용은 이재명 대통령이 범죄의혹으로 8개부분 5개 재판에 대한 검찰의 기소를 없애버려 (공소취소) 임기를 마쳐도 재판 자체를 없애버리려는 계책이었다. 쌍방울대북송금, 선거법위반, 대장동 백현동개발, 법인카드유용 의혹 등이다.
 ▲ 우원식 국회의장이 지난 5월8일 오후 서울 여의도 국회에서 열린 제435회국회(임시회) 제2차 본회의에서 국민의힘의 대한민국헌법 개정안 표결 불참과 민생법안 필리버스터 신청에 유감을 표명하고 눈물을 훔치고 있다. 2026.05.08. ©뉴시스 |
마침 지자체 선거 유세를 돌아다니는 국민의힘은 "이재명 범죄지우기 특검은 위헌"이라고 맹비난했다. (왜 위헌인지 중앙일보 5월2일자 장영수 고대법대 교수의 특별기고문을 보면 상세하게 알 수 있다) 그런데 공교롭게 이대통령 지지율이 공소취하 특검법 제안이 나오면서부터 2주 연속 하락했다. 현재 국민의힘이 장악하고 있는 서울 부산 대구시장도 민주당이 뺏어올 것이라 장담했는데 그게 흔들린다는 막후 비상벨이 요란하게 울렸다. 김경수 경남지사 후보. 우상호 강원지사 후보도 승리를 따논당상이라 여겼는데 돌연 불리로 돌았다는 얘기가 나돌았다. 불리해진 후보들이 방송출연이나 SNS를 통해 "공소취하를 취하하라 "든지 아예 공소취하 말고 다른 방안을 찾아야한다고 이 대통령에게 공개적으로 요구할 지경이 됐다.
속사정을 모르지만 청와대나 정청래 더불어민주당의 핵심은 뒤에서 난리가 났다는 말도 들렸다. 어린이날 하루 앞둔 지난 5월4일, 이개명 대통령은 "조작기소 특검법 처리 관련 구체적인 시기 절차에 대해서는 민주당이 국민의견 수렴과 숙의과정을 거쳐 판단해 달라"고 긴급 수정했다. 특검법을 발의할 당시만 해도 대통령 자신의 재판이란 엄중한 이해가 걸린 사안이어서 "청와대는 입장이 없다"고 애써 직접간여하지 않는다는 입장을 밝혔었다. 그런데 지난 5월 4일, 이재명 대통령은 입장문에서 "당이 숙의하여 판단해 달라"는 말은 사실상 늦더라도 꼭 좀 해달라는 식의 욕망을 담은 것 같다.
대통령 관련 범죄의혹에 대한 재판 없애기 추진 특검 때문에 대통령과 당의 지지율이 뚝뚝 떨어져 다 이겨놨던 서울-부산-대구시장 선거가 이상하게 돌아간다니 물러서지 않을 수 없었던 것 같다. 그렇다면 왜 공소취하 특검법을 그렇게 서둘렀을까 하는 의심이 든다.
그것은 지자체 선거후 민주당이 완승할 경우 정청래의 위상이 더 올라가고 8월 당대표 선거에서 재집권을 노리는데 그때 가서 여론에 좋지 않은 공소취하 특검 카드를 들이밀면 그 때문에 당 대표선거에서 불리하게 작용하는 걸 꺼려 안받아줄지 모른다고 생각했을 수 있다. 당 대표연임을 거머쥐면 차기대권 꿈도 꿀 가능성도 있다. 그래서 지자체 선거전 추진강행을 한 것 같다는 해설이 주류를 이룬다. 그리고 어린이날 다음날 이대통령은 국무회의에서 갑자기 "반대할 이유가 없는 헌법개정안 표결이 내일 이뤄진다"며 "개헌에 반대하는 사람은 불법계엄을 옹호하는 사람"이라고 언급했다.
공소취하 소동으로 그쪽으로 시선이 쏠리고 비난이 쏟아지니까 개헌을 빌미로 국민의힘의 얼굴에 흙탕물을 뒤집어 씌워 공세를 피하는 선거 전략의 일환으로 보일수도 있는 발언이었다.
이어 정청래, 국회의장 우원식이 벌떼 같이 지난 5월7일 국민의힘의 국회본회의결 불참을 공격했다. 부끄러운 공소취하 감추기였을까. 39년만의 개헌이라면 대통령 여야국회, 그리고 학계나 일반 국민 등의 광범위한 토론과 치밀한 작업이 최소한 1년가량은 전제됐어야 한다. 그이전 이대통령은 개헌안을 무시하다시피 해 우원식의 자기정치란 평가도 있었다.
왜 개헌을 하느냐? 1987년 당시에 비해 너무 낡은 헌법이란 옷을 입고 있으면 권력구조부터 싹 바꾸는 그런 헌법구조조정과 국민의 공감대가 준비돼 있어야 했다. 그런데 우원식이 내민 개헌내용은 헌법전문에 부마사태와 5.8정신을 담고, 향후 (윤석열 같은 뚱딴지 같은 계엄을 발동할 경우) 48시간 내 국회동의를 받지 못하면 자동 소멸된다는 조항뿐이었다. (지역 균형발전 열거).
이번 윤석열 계엄소동을 보면서 미래 어떤 대통령이란 자가 멍청한 계엄을 발동하면 우선 군(軍)부터 말을 듣겠는가. 북한이 전쟁을 걸어오거나 무슨 폭동이 일어나기 전엔 계엄은 없을 것이다. 우원식의 개헌안은 하나마나다. 결국 어버이날 " 개헌 절차를 중단한다" 눈물을 흘리며 안경을 닦는 장면을 연출했다. 5월 첫 주 공소취소 특검법은 대통령의 사익, 개헌안은 국민의힘 욕보이기를 포장해 벌인 2개의 정치 쇼로 속이 좀 들여다보이는 것 같다.
내 생각엔 대통령이 위대한 업적으로 퇴임 시 지지율이 80%가 넘는다면 아마 재판은 저절로 힘을 잃거나 혹 유죄가 나와도 다음 대통령은 즉각 사면을 하라는 압력에 직면할 것이다.
*필자/김세형 언론인.
*아래는 위 기사를 '구글 번역'으로 번역한 영문 기사의 [전문]입니다. '구글번역'은 이해도 높이기를 위해 노력하고 있습니다. 영문 번역에 오류가 있을 수 있음을 전제로 합니다.<*The following is [the full text] of the English article translated by 'Google Translate'. 'Google Translate' is working hard to improve understanding. It is assumed that there may be errors in the English translation.>
Were the Special Prosecutor Bill for Withdrawal of Indictments and the Constitutional Amendment Proposal Just a Transparent Political Show for the June 3 Election?
- Journalist Kim Se-hyung
During the first week of May, when Children's Day and Parents' Day overlapped, the entire nation peacefully celebrated family events; however, the political sphere, just three weeks away from the local elections, was in a tremendous commotion behind the scenes. Initially, the prevailing prediction was that the local elections on June 3 (absentee voting on May 29) would result in a "landslide victory for the Democratic Party," with the exception of the North Gyeongsang Province governorship. Fueled by this confidence, and at the very moment it seemed President Lee Jae-myung's approval rating would soon break the 70% mark, the Democratic Party quietly pushed forward the Special Prosecutor Bill for Withdrawal of Indictments on April 30, initiated by Representative Lee Geon-tae, who had served as the defense attorney for the President. As Representative Park Sung-joon, who spearheaded this bill, pointed out, the term "withdrawal of indictment" is difficult for the general public to understand, to the point where he went on television to state that 80 to 90 percent of the public (often referred to as "commoners") likely wouldn't even know what it means. The content of the bill was a scheme to eliminate the prosecution's indictments (withdrawal of indictment) regarding five trials across eight categories involving allegations of crime against President Lee Jae-myung, thereby effectively abolishing the trials themselves even after his term ends. These allegations include the Ssangbangwool remittance to North Korea, election law violations, the Daejang-dong and Baekhyeon-dong development projects, and suspicions of corporate credit card misappropriation.
Coincidentally, the People Power Party, which was touring local election campaigns, fiercely criticized the bill, declaring, "The special prosecutor bill to erase Lee Jae-myung's crimes is unconstitutional." (You can find out in detail why it is unconstitutional by reading the special contribution by Professor Jang Young-soo of Korea University Law School in the May 2nd issue of the JoongAng Ilbo.) However, coincidentally, President Lee's approval rating has fallen for two consecutive weeks since the proposal for the special prosecutor bill to withdraw indictments emerged. The Democratic Party had confidently asserted that it would seize the mayoral seats in Seoul, Busan, and Daegu—currently controlled by the People Power Party—but behind-the-scenes alarm bells rang loudly, signaling that this prospect was wavering. Rumors circulated that Gyeongnam Governor candidate Kim Kyoung-soo and Gangwon Governor candidate Woo Sang-ho, who were considered sure victories, had suddenly found themselves in a disadvantage. The candidates, now at a disadvantage, reached the point where they publicly demanded via broadcast appearances or social media that President Lee "withdraw the withdrawal of indictments" or find alternative solutions other than withdrawing the charges altogether.
Although the full details are unknown, there were rumors that the Blue House and key figures within the Democratic Party, such as Chung Cheong-rae, were in an uproar behind the scenes. On May 4th, the day before Children's Day, President Lee made an urgent revision, stating, "Regarding the specific timing and procedures for handling the Special Prosecutor Act on Fabricated Indictments, I ask the Democratic Party to make a judgment after gathering public opinion and going through a process of deliberation." At the time the Special Prosecutor Bill was proposed, the matter involved grave interests regarding the President's own trial, so the Blue House went out of its way to clarify that it would not directly intervene, stating, "The Blue House has no position." However, in a statement released on May 4, President Lee Jae-myung's remark asking the party to "deliberate and make a judgment" seems to have effectively contained a desire for the matter to be addressed, even if it takes a long time.
It appears he had no choice but to back down, as the push for a special prosecutor to eliminate trials regarding criminal allegations against the President caused the President and the party's approval ratings to plummet, and the mayoral elections in Seoul, Busan, and Daegu—which were practically guaranteed to be won—were taking an unexpected turn. If so, one is left wondering why he rushed the Special Prosecutor Bill for the withdrawal of indictments so much.
He may have thought that if the Democratic Party achieved a landslide victory after the local elections, Chung Cheong-rae's standing would rise further, and since he is aiming for re-election in the August party leadership election, presenting the card of a special prosecutor for the withdrawal of indictments—which is unfavorable to public opinion—at that time might work against him in the leadership election, causing the party to be reluctant and refusing to accept it. Securing a consecutive term as party leader raises the possibility of dreaming of the next presidential election. The prevailing interpretation is that this is why he pushed ahead with the local election campaign. Furthermore, the day after Children's Day, President Lee suddenly remarked at a Cabinet meeting, "A vote on the constitutional amendment, for which there is no reason to oppose it, will take place tomorrow," adding, "Anyone who opposes the amendment is someone who defends illegal martial law."
Since attention was drawn and criticism was pouring in due to the commotion over the withdrawal of charges, this remark could be seen as part of an election strategy to deflect attacks by using the constitutional amendment as a pretext to smear the People Power Party in the face.
Following this, Chung Cheong-rae and National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-sik swarmed like bees to attack the People Power Party for their absence from the plenary session vote on May 7. Was this an attempt to cover up the shameful withdrawal of charges? If this is the first constitutional amendment in 39 years, it should have presupposed at least a year of extensive discussion and meticulous work involving the President, the ruling and opposition parties, the National Assembly, academia, and the general public. Prior to this, President Lee had practically ignored the constitutional amendment proposal, leading to criticism that it was Woo Won-sik's self-serving politics.
Why amend the constitution? If the constitution is too outdated compared to 1987, there should have been preparations for a constitutional restructuring that would completely overhaul the power structure, along with a public consensus. However, the amendment proposed by Woo Won-sik consisted only of incorporating the Bu-Ma Uprising and the May 8th spirit into the preamble, and a clause stating that it would automatically expire if parliamentary consent is not obtained within 48 hours (in the event of absurd martial law like the one Yoon Seok-yeol invokes). (Listing on balanced regional development)
Watching the recent martial law commotion involving Yoon Seok-yeol, one wonders if the military would obey first if some future president were to declare a foolish martial law. There will be no martial law unless North Korea declares war or some riot breaks out. Woo Won-sik's amendment proposal is pointless. Ultimately, on Parents' Day, he staged a scene of wiping his glasses while shedding tears, declaring, "I am suspending the constitutional amendment process." It seems somewhat transparent that the Special Prosecutor Bill for the Withdrawal of Indictment in the first week of May and the Constitutional Amendment Bill were two political shows staged to disguise the People Power Party, while the bill was packaged as a means to pursue the President's private interests.
In my opinion, if a President leaves office with an approval rating exceeding 80% due to great achievements, the trial will likely lose its momentum on its own, or even if a guilty verdict is reached, the next president will face pressure to grant an immediate pardon.
*Author/Journalist Kim Se-hyung
